A competition between Murad and Qabal, and the preferential number determines the weight

Osama al-Qadri wrote in “Nidaa al-Watan”:

All the lists in the West Bekaa and Rashaya districts have their image and propaganda arrangements completed for the necessity of the battle, and they were announced in mass rallies, with the exception of the “Towards a Better Tomorrow” list that brings together former Minister Hassan Murad, and “The Amal Movement with its candidate Hajj Qabalan,” and the Free Patriotic Movement with its candidate for the Maronite seat, Charbel Maroun. , Tariq Al-Daoud and Elie Ferzli.

So far, the list has not been announced in accordance with well-known electoral protocols, nor has a single photograph gathered them together, although Murad did not leave a large and small billboard unless he booked it months before the battle, to deprive the rest of the candidates of finding billboards, except for what rarely. This gives the impression to the “opinioner” that he is the strongest candidate in the crowd of six candidates.

According to the field follow-up, this propaganda “glut” hides behind it the extent of the state of disparity and conflict within the list. Especially since Hajj Qabalan Qabalan started his electoral tour to the majority Sunni villages with the aim of investing through projects that were presented by the Southern Council to the villages of the western Bekaa, which made him rely mainly on the mayors of the municipalities, in addition to his attempt to sympathize with the “rejection” environment with a speech of cancellation, treason, sorting, and hunting in The Sunni void,” to collide with two oppositions, one represented by Murad, and the second reflected on MP Muhammad al-Qarawi, head of the “Independent National Decision” list allied with the Socialist Party and the Islamic Group, given that Qabalan is trying to rooms from the dish of “Future Environment” close to al-Qarawi.

The contrast emerged between the candidates of the “Towards a Better Tomorrow” list, starting with the competition between Murad and Qablan, where the situation between them reached a struggle for who wins first place on the list and gets more votes, so that he decides the form of the list and alliances in 2026.

The same is the case between the “orange” candidate Charbel Maroun and Elie Ferzli, where the battle is taking place over the Christian preferential vote, in a race to reach the third place after estimating that the list gets three minimum scores. The competition between Tariq al-Daoud and Ferzli also extends to win over the partisan voice of the nationalist and Baathist and the voices of the Lebanese residing in Syria. And that was after the meeting of Al-Ferzli with Syrian security leaders in order to stand on the mind of Tariq Al-Daoud, to instruct the partisans who revolve in his orbit to provide him with preferential votes, given that his opponent for the Orthodox seat, Dr. Ghassan Skaf, began his fan work in the Christian and Sunni streets to expand to threaten Al-Ferzli.

Sources revolving around the “Shiite duo” say that the battle is neither simple nor easy, as some are trying to portray, especially that the movement faces in the Shiite environment two candidates who are considered strong, the leftist Hatem al-Khashn, who is agreed upon by the secular Democratic Left Action Organization and the Communist Party. And the Vanguard Party, in addition to its balanced social and militant presence, can attract the discontented Shiite elites and even the dynamic opponents of the candidacy of Qabalan Qabalan, son of the South District in the western Bekaa.

The second candidate for the Shiite seat, Abbas Eidi, in the “Independent National Decision” list, also forms in the Shiite environment, especially in the town of Mashghara, a popular presence because of his association with the people with his popularity known as the “goodness” of the son of the village, and for being one of the fiercest opponents of the Amal movement and the fiercest in its confrontation.

The sources continue, “For this reason, the battle is difficult, in addition to the fact that President Berri considers the movement’s candidate, as Qabalan, to be his candidate,” adding that the problem with their ally, Hezbollah, has not yet been resolved, because all his votes will be given to his candidate. He wants the preferential one for himself, and our problem is political. We want the preferential distribution. He continued, “There is talk that the party is heading to support Charbel Maroun with a thousand votes from the “Resistance Brigades,” and this is what threatens Al-Farzali if the list fails to win the fourth score.

A source close to Hassan Murad, trying to hide any disagreement within the list, says, “The popular festival to launch the electoral machine for the list is scheduled to take place a week before the elections and is likely to be on May 10, after Eid al-Fitr.” The source justifies the differences between the candidates “that the electoral law is the problem It makes candidates, including the one-party candidates, compete for the preferential vote.” He said, “There is no fear for the Sunni seat, unless the “forces” decide, in the last quarter of an hour, to change its plan and over-contract the “Bekaa First” list.

The field picture says that the multiplicity of lists and the lack of obtaining a score leads to a decrease in the percentage of the quotient, which makes the person who has 3.2 in the first quotient, that the second quotient becomes 3.7, giving him that fourth seat, unless a massive vote is taken and a correction is made towards an opposition list close to the score, which blocks the way in front of Arrival of the “Darkness” filter.