April 22, 2018 02:00 AM After his victory against the dictatorship of Anastasio Somoza in 1979, the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), instead of calling for free elections in a peremptory period, because that guerrilla army was the main, but not the only, of the victors , he insisted on tracing the Castro model in detail. Immediate identification was made between the front and a new government led by a guild of commanders, the militarization of civic life through the neighborhood committees inspired by the Cubans and the asphyxia to which they were subjected, who from the press they did not profess the Sandinismo, aspiring to Central American version of the still existing Soviet totalitarianism.

But the times were different and in 1984 the Sandinistas were forced to call elections, which they won on the street, with commander Daniel Ortega and writer Sergio Ramírez, respectively, in the presidency and in the vice presidency. And times of the second Cold War, that of Reagan, the armed opponents of Sandinismo, with bases in neighboring Honduras, received generous funding from the United States. Fed up with the civil war, surprisingly, the Nicaraguans took to power, in the presidential elections of March 1990, Violeta Barrios de Chamorro, the widow of Don Pedro Joaquín, the journalist whose murder in 1978 succeeded in getting sectors hostile to Somoza, but outside the FSLN, they decidedly joined the insurrection.

The fall of the Berlin Wall had caused another earthquake in Managua, which, unlike the true earthquake disaster of 1972, a mine of Somoza enrichment, brought with it great hopes. Not only did the Sandinistas peacefully hand over power to the victorious opposition, but the counterrevolutionaries were disarmed, and a pact of democratic transition was signed, in whose letter and spirit the disagreement resumed. As head of the Sandinista bloc, former vice president Ramírez placed his finger on the wound and vetoed, for the Nicaraguan presidents, the promotion of his relatives as successors to the post, which affected the aspirations of Antonio Lacayo, Violeta’s minister and son-in-law.

As Gabriel Zaid had predicted years ago, at the heart of the wars in Central America, rather than ideology, there was a generational fight over state heritage, conceived as a family business. In 1996, Ramírez himself left the FSLN to lead the Sandinista dissidence as a candidate for the presidency, obtaining less than 1% of the votes. And since 2007, Nicaragua is again a picturesque pseudo monarchy ruled by a recidivist Daniel Ortega and his wife, an allegedly enlightened one called Rosario Murillo.

Not only that: Ortega allied with the local Catholic Church to impose in Nicaragua the most restrictive anti-abortion law on the planet, accused the president himself of having sexually abused his stepdaughter. His regime is a grotesque clowning, that if not for the munificent Chavista oil and its perks, denounced as populist by Ramírez, would have sunk for a while. Worse yet: governments, liberals and conservatives, prior to the Sandinista Restoration of 2007, were exemplary corrupt. Nobody, among so many supportive friends that he had, wants to remember a revolution that took leave of power in 1990 emptying, family property at last, the coffers of the State, as denounced Ramírez in Bye guys (1999), his political testament. While the Castro have managed to maintain, for half a century, a certain Spartan severity as a letter of introduction for their dictatorship, Sandinismo ended up being a carnival.

Ramírez won the Miguel de Cervantes Prize a few days ago. It deserves a man full, for years a conspicuous character in the convivios of the Latin American left, which could say enough and detach from an unpresentable regime whose installation was played life since young, a narrator who today the vice president of his country He showed, he tastes ashes as he meets, melancholy, with his true peers, the writers. Neither Ramírez nor the poet Cardenal, sometimes attacked in their freedom of expression by the new dynasty, were wrong in combating Somocista satrapy. His mistake was to believe that the Marxist baptism of the Sandinista boys would free them from the old habit, so Hispanic, of believing in the private right of the ruler to public goods. This great international award granted to Sergio Ramírez will be a hard nut to crack for the grotesque emperors of Managua.

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